Raising children in a Chechen family. Chechen traditions of raising children. Better late than never

RITES, CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS OF CHECHENS AND INGUSHS RELATED TO THE BIRTH AND UPBRINGING OF CHILDREN IN THE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY PAST

3. I. KHASBULATOVA

The issues covered in the article are of certain specific historical and sociological interest. Their research is connected not only with facts of scientific (ethnographic) but also practical significance, since in the family and social life of the Vainakhs, until the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. (and in some areas of mountainous Chechnya even later), many remnants of archaic phenomena and institutions continued to exist, requiring study, and partly, steady elimination.

Due to the comparative limitation of the source base, the article is mainly written on the material of ethnographic field research conducted by the author both in the mountainous and flat regions of Checheno-Ingushetia in 1976-1978 as part of the North Caucasus ethnographic expedition of the Faculty of History of the Department of Ethnography of Moscow State University (hereinafter referred to as SKEE). Moscow State University) and the ethnographic expedition of the Institute of History, Sociology and Philology (hereinafter - EEIISF) under the Council of Ministers of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.

The information received provided an opportunity to clarify the characteristics of the family, family and social life of the Chechens and Ingush in the late 19th - early 20th centuries, given in pre-revolutionary literature. In some cases, field materials were the only source on a particular topic, since the literature does not contain information on a number of issues of family and family, the life of Chechens and Ingush in the late 19th - early 20th centuries.

Other customs and rituals that interest us were somewhat reflected in the ethnographic literature of pre-revolutionary times, but far from complete and not always correct, despite the value of individual observations.

The reason for this state of the sources, in our opinion, is that the authors (even those who specifically studied the family and family life of the Chechens and Ingush), as a rule, did not have the necessary methodology and special skills. The language barrier (and the associated ethnic factor) played a role, since the overwhelming majority of pre-revolutionary authors did not have knowledge of the local language, which made it difficult for them to communicate with the mountaineers and affected the quality of information (especially on intimate issues family life mountaineers).

Let us further note as a significant drawback that most of the works of pre-revolutionary authors were written in the style of fulfilling a socio-political order. Thus, many of them were characterized by a fairly common technique - the introduction into scientific circulation of a significant amount of material (especially statistical) and also forms of their “objectified” processing, which completely excluded social characteristics and ignored the class approach to the phenomena of the social and family life of the mountaineers.

Therefore, it is necessary to treat their conclusions and assessments with a sufficient degree of criticism, dictated by the desire to justify and embellish the policy of tsarism in the Caucasus. The use of pre-revolutionary literature requires a thorough analysis of the sources used by one or another author, taking into account the originality of their works or the compilation of information used in the work, etc.

The earliest news about family customs and the rituals of the Chechens and Ingush are contained in the article by A. M. Sjögren ‘. In addition, ethnographic information about the family and family rituals can also be gleaned from the works of I.F. Dubrovin, F.I. Leontovich, N. Semenov, V.V. Sokolsky2. In particular, the last of the named authors, based on an analysis of materials from folklore, customary law, as well as a number of other literary sources, pointed out the connection between children and their mother’s lineage among all North Caucasian peoples, including the Vainakhs.

Among the first works of Soviet authors on new technique: ethnographic research (including on issues of family and family life among the peoples of the Caucasus) should be called; G.F. Chursin's program, which was one of the first Soviet programs for collecting ethnographic material - in it he specifically drew attention to the importance of studying maternity rites3. Interesting and valuable information on family issues and family life is contained in the works of A. K. Vil-1 yams, D. Sheripov, M. O. Kosven, Ya-S. Smirnova 4.

As is known, socio-economic transformations during the historical development of society determined the characteristics and evolution of family rituals and customs among many peoples of the world (including the Chechens and Ingush of the late 19th - early 20th centuries). During the period under study, the main form of family among the Chechens and Ingush was the small individual family “doyzal”, which retained in its internal structure many of the old patriarchal features of the large family community. Therefore, the presence of such conservative remnants is observed; whose character, as the priority of a man who was the head of the family and the sole owner and manager of its property. In accordance with established patriarchal traditions, the male generation enjoyed special rights, because sons were protectors of the family, continuers of the family and heirs of property.

The birth of a male child in a family was considered a great joy and success in life (and in some places it is still considered) with noticeable indifference to the appearance of a girl, who sometimes even aroused hostility on the part of the husband and all relatives towards the “unlucky” mother. On the contrary, a woman who became the mother of a boy could count on the strength of her position in the family.

From a very early age, a boy in Chechen and Ingush families became acquainted with the gender hierarchy - it was instilled in him that

that he is called upon to play a major role in the family in the future, that he is the support of the house. The proverb said: “If there is no son, there will be no shelter” 5, “The boy is future man and fighter, successor

kind,” noted A. Berger when describing the life of the Chechens 6. Other authors also pointed this out7.

A woman who has many children and grandchildren was considered the happiest and luckiest. The news of the pregnancy of a young woman among the Chechens and Ingush brought great joy family. The woman herself was happy, as she became a real member of her husband’s family, and any of her requests and wishes during pregnancy were fulfilled. According to popular belief, it was believed that refusal in this situation could affect the life of the unborn child, as well as the person himself who refused to fulfill the request of the pregnant woman.

Due to the fact that, according to the custom of the Chechens and Ingush, a young woman was considered a member of the family and included in it only after the birth of a child, infertility was a great tragedy for her and in most cases the reason for divorce, as well as bringing a second wife into the family (if in this case children appeared from another wife, the first one had to take care of them as if they were her own).

Chechens and Ingush in the past associated childbirth with the action of supernatural forces, on which the appearance of offspring allegedly depended, and, as a rule, the Vainakhs saw the cause of infertility only in women. In reality, the causes of childlessness (in particular, female childlessness) often had not biological, but social roots - difficult living conditions in childhood, backbreaking work. Early marriages, practiced among many peoples of the Caucasus, also had a negative impact on childbearing (physiological consequences for a woman’s fragile body).

Under the influence of the living conditions and religious views of the Chechens and Ingush, the formation and development of rituals and customs associated with the birth and upbringing of a child took place.

Since the main purpose of marriage among the Chechens and Ingush was procreation, the wedding was already accompanied by some magical rituals, which, like other peoples of the world, were supposed to ensure the birth of healthy offspring. So, for example, the bride had to step over a dagger or walk under crossed checkers, and also lie down on a certain side,” etc. Another equally important magical technique that ensured the appearance of offspring (usually male) was considered to be the imitation act of sitting on the bride’s lap boy as soon as she entered her husband’s house, and millet crumbled in front of her8.

“When a girl got married,” wrote B. Dalgat, “her friends and guests gathered at her parents’ house, lit a fire in the hearth, and the groom’s best man (later the bride’s friend) led her by the hand with her face covered three times around the hearth. I's girlfriends sang songs, turning to the saints with a prayer so that young I would be fruitful, like the ashes of the sacred hearth, which increases every minute, so that she would be tied

(sticky) to her husband like soot, etc……… Then the best man

took the chain with one hand as a sign of breaking any connection between the bride and her family and her cult” 9.

The complete absence of children was considered a punishment from above. Therefore, Vainakh women often tried to cure themselves of infertility, using available means, including magic ones. Childless women often resorted to the help of healers, and the methods of treating infertility among almost all the peoples of the North Caucasus were similar (massage of the lower abdomen, infusions of medicinal herbs, etc.) - As a rule, Vainakh childless women were forced to visit various sanctuaries, performing “ziyarta” 'sh' to the ashes of a “famous” clergyman to beg for a child at the holy places.

To do this, they distributed alms in their village and set off on the journey with the most devout women and the mule, who had to beg for a son and promise “saint” I to sacrifice a white ram if a son was born. In case | the birth of such a “begging” child, a procession! she appeared again with a white ram, cut it and distributed the meat, and also awarded valuable gifts to accompanying persons who gladly performed their functions for such a fee. 10. B. Dalgat noted the visits of Va and Nakh women to “holy” places. He wrote: “Tusholi is especially revered by women... Tusholi is primarily the god of childbirth or any offspring in general...” p

Indeed, a number of historical and ethnographic materials give reason to say that in pre-Muslim times, Vainakh women, in the hope of giving birth to a son or a child in general, often turned to various sanctuaries for help. Ethnographer Ch. Akhriev in the second half of the 19th century. compared the functions of the Ossetian sanctuary “fyry-zuar” (patron of rams or the generative force that multiplies herds) with the Chechen patron of childbirth. He assumed that such famous sanctuaries in Chechnya and Ingushetia as Gal-Erdy and Thaba-Erdy were associated with rites of fertility and childbirth. It is no coincidence that Ingush women came here with requests to give them sons 12.

L.P. Semenov, based on the analysis of ethnographic materials, concluded that the deity Tusholi is the deity of fertility, and it has been revered in Ingushetia since ancient times 13. Similar shrines existed in the past among other peoples of the North Caucasus, for example, Ossetians have 14.

Although the Waiiahs were eagerly awaiting the birth of a child, the expectant mother, as the field materials we collected in 1979 show, was not given any special discounts or privileges at work (except perhaps for the ban on lifting weights). During pregnancy, she worked the same way as before, and it was even believed that if a woman worked well, the birth would be easy and the child would feel good in the womb.

There were also no special food prohibitions, and the pregnant woman ate with all family members. However, it turns out that some ancient prohibitions on birth control existed among the Vainakhs for pregnant women. For example, the mother-in-law or another woman at home had to prepare for her what she really wanted so that the fetus would develop normally; also, a pregnant woman was diligently protected from fright, not being allowed to go for water after sunset, throw out garbage or pour water into the street; she was not allowed to look at the deceased, attend funerals, mourn deceased relatives, etc. Also, according to the beliefs of the Chechens and Ingush, pregnant women should not look at hares, donkeys, etc., so that a child would not be born with a torn lip or other defects.

According to informants, in the villages of Chechnya and Ingushetia there were women who predicted gender. the unborn child according to its characteristic features. For example, it was believed that if a woman loses weight and develops age spots on her face, her eyelashes and eyebrows were thinning, then she was supposed to give birth to a girl. “Prophetic” dreams were also considered a reliable guide (an egg, a needle, a blue dove, a thimble - all this said, foreshadowed the birth of a daughter; white dove, Circassian, snake, etc. - the birth of a son).

The gender of the unborn child was also predicted by fortune telling. For example, fortune telling on a lamb shoulder, known among many peoples of the Caucasus, which was called by the Vainakhs “phana-raya Nekhezhar.” It consisted of slaughtering a ram and inviting a woman or man who knew how to tell fortunes in this way. First, the meat was eaten, then the head of the house gave the left shoulder blade to the “expert”, and he removed the meat from it only with his hands (it was impossible for a person’s teeth or metal objects to come into contact with it - a knife, a dagger. After such cleaning, the “expert” examined the shoulder blade into the light and from the spots on it, the ossicles and the subscapular tubercle, he “interpreted” the future of the child, his occupation, and even the question of his heirs.

During the period under review, Chechen and Ingush women gave birth, as a rule, in their husband’s house - in the room of the married couple (“uoti”), and the husband did not have to be at home. “When a woman feels the birth is approaching, the husband leaves home and leaves the woman in labor to be cared for by relatives or women acquaintances. Some time after the birth, about five days later, the husband returned home and did not pay attention to either his wife or the newborn,” noted one of the pre-revolutionary authors 15.

Apparently, this was one of the manifestations of the Caucasian custom of avoidance, which was supposed to show the husband’s non-involvement in the birth of the child and in the mother herself. One of the pre-revolutionary authors, based on Ossetian and Dagestan materials, explained the husband’s leaving home during his wife’s birth with the fear that the troubles of his wife-relative could become his troubles (the husband leaves home and does not return until the woman in labor recovers from childbirth and will not cease to be “unclean”!6. Similar customs have been noted by researchers among other peoples of the Caucasus (Shapsugs, Kumyks, Adygeis, Nogais, etc.) 17.

Let us note that many maternity rites of the Vainakhs are associated with a general system of beliefs and religious ideas that developed among them in the pre-Muslim and even pre-Christian periods. Of course, later (under the influence of Christianity and then Islam) these ideas underwent changes. Some Vainakh maternity rites reflected the syncretism of religious ideas.

Deprived of any medical care during the period under review, Chechen and Ingush women sought to help themselves with their own means, which mainly amounted to various religious and magical influences.

Usually, during childbirth, a woman who had given birth before - a midwife, or, in her absence, an elderly woman, but not a close relative of the woman in labor or her husband - helped during childbirth. At the same time, the “midwife” who delivered the child should not be “evil-eyed,” since it was believed that if the child was “evil-jinxed” at the moment of birth, then he could not be healed by any means. It should be noted that the woman who accepted the child was honored by him in the future, even when he grew up, he had to take her into account, and when he got married, give her a piece of clothing 18.

Women in the past gave birth while kneeling and leaning on something hard (mostly a wooden bed).

To facilitate childbirth, they massaged the lower back, and the woman in labor was lubricated with fresh warm cow butter and also lightly massaged. Pre-revolutionary authors also report a similar method of childbirth among the Vainakhs: “In the Khasav-Yurt district they give birth in a squatting position. ...In Greater Chechnya, in mountain villages, they give birth in the knee-elbow position, with pillows placed under the chest... Chechens burn fish bones in the corners of the room, the smoke of which, in their opinion, helps” 19. In this case, it seems that Fumigation with smoke from fish bones and other magical remedies used in the past by women are not random phenomena. They refer to magical methods of turning childless women to patron shrines dedicated to various domestic animals (goat, ram, bull). For example, according to legends, the Chechens are well aware of the mutual transformation of a bull (ox) into the water of Lake Galan-Chozh, etc. In this case, we, it seems to us, are observing the remnants and relics of a peculiar phenomenon of worship not of extinct customs, but of their attributes and symbols that fulfill the ancient magical function of relieving a burden associated with a woman and her offspring.

If the labor was delayed, then the woman lay down on a felt or blanket, and the experts helping her, holding their ends, turned the woman in labor from side to side or, putting her on her back (back to back), carried her and shook her from time to time. ; they forced her to stretch, and then they placed a cushion under her lower back, on which the woman had to lie for some time 20.

Like other peoples of the world, the Vainakhs’ arsenal of magical means and methods of helping women in labor included untying knots, during which they said “give birth the same way,” etc. 21 After the birth of the child, the midwife cut it and tied it with a string (“ ts1opgu") The umbilical cord, and the remaining part of it was dried and stored in a cradle for medicinal purposes. For example, according to our informants, when a child’s stomach was sick, they massaged it with this umbilical cord or, after soaking it in milk or water, gave it to drink. When the child grew up, the umbilical cord was hidden in a dry and distant place - “mettah tsakhadecha”.

Even ancient Indian doctors taught: if a child is born with some kind of physical defects (deformations of the head, legs, arms, etc.), then they should be corrected. This same opinion was shared by many peoples of the Caucasus, including the Chechens and Ingush, whose methods of managing birth defects had their own characteristics. For a child up to three years of age, in the mornings when he woke up, and in the evenings when he lay down in the cradle, the mother or grandmother deliberately straightened the fingers and toes (as well as the nose), sometimes massaging them so hard that the child sometimes cried from pain 22.

Immediately after birth, the Chechens bathed the child in warm water. Three days after this, he was washed in warm water and soap. Subsequently (for 40 days), the child was wiped dry and lubricated with cow butter, with the exception of once a week, when he was washed with soap and warm water23.

According to custom, Chechens and Ingush did not prepare for childbirth in advance, not storing anything from clothes and diapers, since it was believed that preparation could have an impact adverse effect for the birth of a child24. According to the testimony of one of the pre-revolutionary doctors, the Vainakhs in the first three days wrapped the newborn only in swaddling clothes made from a used dress25. Then the oiled child would put on a vest made from multi-colored chintz scraps. Multi-colored shreds were used for vests to protect the child from the evil eye and various diseases26.

In general, the purpose of swaddling is different: protection from the cold; protecting the child from unnecessary movements; the desire to avoid involuntary damage to the child’s weak members due to carelessness in handling them 27.

The first swaddling, as a survey of informants shows, took place among Chechens and Ingush, as a rule, a few days after birth, and after this the child was placed in a cradle donated by the mother’s relatives - “aha” in Chechen. The parental home on the mother’s side, in addition to a colorfully decorated cradle, gave the child everything necessary for swaddling, and also, depending on wealth, a ram, a foal, a cow, etc.

Usually, the boy was put into the cradle for the first time by a cheerful, healthy, stately and handsome young man - “khuash volchu zhimchu staga”, and the girl was put into the cradle by a young, well-built girl who was the first-born in her family. For this action, the Chechens and Ingush good days Tuesday, Thursday and Sunday were considered.

Before putting the child to bed, everyone present was fed porridge - “khudar”, “chepilgash” (flatbread with cheese) or other treats; in addition, it was necessary to treat the neighbors.

The Chechens and Ingush had a number of important beliefs associated with the cradle itself. Thus, it was never allowed to rock an empty cradle, because it was believed that those who would then lie in it would never have offspring. They did not touch and in vain did not tie the “kokhkarsh” cloth strips for tying the child to the cradle. It was impossible to carry the child over the crossbar of the cradle. In addition, the cradle, as a rule, was oriented with its head to the east or south (“baqa-khya agGor”).

As already noted, the birth of a son was always greeted with great joy. At the same time they said: “varh1 veshi your hulda” (to be the brother of seven brothers). Even at birth, the girls expressed a wish that expressed the idea of an “ideal” family: “varh1 veshi iisha hulda” - (to be the sister of seven brothers). “Fathers (Chechens - 3. X.) are extremely dissatisfied with the birth of a daughter and rejoice when a son is born...28 The birth of a male baby often serves as a reason for celebration and refreshments in the father’s house.” In an Ingush family, the birth of a male child into the world is an outstanding event. For the sake of such an event, the Ingush willingly slaughters a ram and treats his relatives and friends who come to the holiday (to congratulate him). These latter, to celebrate, in honor of the birth of a boy, and in turn also give the happy father, whoever can, a ram, a cow... Women bring the woman in labor as a gift of some prepared food, chickens, eggs, butter, etc...." 29

In honor of this important event a certain period was set and big races were held with quite expensive prizes for the winners: an expensive dagger with a belt, a copper water jug, etc. It should be noted that not only relatives, but also everyone gathered for the holiday in honor of the heir.

On the contrary, the girl’s appearance at the meeting was carried out without publicity. In this case, the father looked embarrassed, everyone he met avoided reminding him of the event that had happened in his family, and only female relatives and neighbors came to visit the woman in labor 30. However, if there were only boys in the family before, then the birth of a girl was greeted with joy and was accompanied by some celebrations.

After giving birth, the child and the mother tried not to be left alone in the first days, since, according to legend, genies and other spirits could come to their house, allegedly harming the mother and child. It was also considered necessary to protect the mother and child from the evil eye, because, according to traditional beliefs, during the evil eye, the child cried, did not take the breast, and the child’s mother lost milk, etc. Fearing this, the child was not shown, was not swaddled in front of strangers, and was especially protected from women who have blue eyes.

The young mother should also not go out alone at night and especially not throw out the water; in extreme cases, the used water could be carefully poured out. To protect against the evil eye, a special religious amulet was used, as well as special things (a piece of wood from a quince tree - “hyaban dechig”, beads yellow, small in size, red wool thread around the hands and feet, etc.). All sorts of similar signs and beliefs existed among other peoples.

An important point in the postpartum ritual was the naming of a name - “tse tilar”, which was again accompanied by a feast - “movlad desha”. There was an opinion that a lot in a child’s life depends on the choice of one name or another! since the “power of names” was given great importance. Pra-: relatives, neighbors, and friends had to give the newborn a name. villagers. Almost never in the past was a child given a name | the parents themselves. Basically, this was the prerogative of especially uva-; people desired in the community. When naming, the one giving this or that name gave reasons for it, which was also widely practiced [among many other peoples31.

The Chechens and Ingush did not have any obligatory | but an established nomenclature. Along with widespread names (Ibrahim, Hassan, Hussein, Said, etc.), traditional names have been preserved - Taus (peacock), Lechi (falcon), Borz (wolf), etc. In order to protect the newborn, the names Vaha (live), Dukha Vaha (live long), Vi-| sita (stay), etc. In the case when many girls were born in a family, they were called Toita (enough), Satsita (transform) and even Yalita (die), which, however, happened extremely rarely. If the daughter was the only one among several boys, she was given the name Yakha (live), Yakhita (let her live), Dukha Yakha (live long), etc. Regarding the issue of naming among the Ingush, N. F. Grabovsky noted: “The Ingush do not have established names for naming newborns. Most often in these cases Mohammedan names are given, but sometimes the Ingush likes to name his child some object, such as: Borts (wolf), Alkhazyr' (bird), Nozhch (oak), Topchi (shistolet), etc. Then Ingush willingly give names in honor of some respected people, not excluding Russians..." 32

According to N.N. Kharuzin, a name was given to a newborn child like this: “To choose a child, the father chooses three acquaintances who throw a bone (alchiki), whose alchik stands up, he must give the child a name...” If a girl is born, then 1 are going girls, not at all married women and the one who should give the name is chosen for the position of the little boy. newborn" 33.

Speaking about the naming of names by the Ingush, N. Grabovsky also wrote that “the Ingush, for example, do this: several young people take a lamb shoulder and throw them on the ground, whose ankle will become a rib, the name of which is given to the boy. If a name is chosen for a girl, then the ankle is thrown by girls 34.

Thus, the Vainakhs, following popular beliefs, tried to give the child a name in order to scare away “evil spirits”, but also so that it would bring happiness to its owner.. At the same time, like other peoples of the Caucasus, they relied. to “the will of the deity, to the will of fate” 35.

Among the Chechens, according to many authors, the child was breastfed immediately after birth, and complementary feeding was done with a gruel of corn flour with milk or butter (often they were given a piece of lamb fat to suck on). Children were breastfed until they were two or three and even four or five years old, if no circumstances interfered. If the mother did not have enough milk, a relative or another nursing woman was invited to the house. She became a “milk mother,” and her own children became the child’s “foster brothers or sisters.”

It was often believed that such a relationship was closer than even blood 36.

In general, artificial feeding was not popular 37. While the child was being breastfed, he was with his parents, but after weaning, he was put to bed in another room (most often with his grandmother),

The Chechens and Ingush practiced all sorts of techniques related to the belief in magical power, which pursued the goal of protecting the baby (especially under the age of one year) from “evil forces.” So, sharp objects (knife, scissors, matches, etc.) were placed under the child’s pillow, or a vessel with water was placed at the head of the child. A similar custom existed among the Georgians 38. Vainakh women also placed a piece of charcoal in the water 39 when bathing a child.

According to the views of the Chechens and Ingush, the “evil eye” had a great influence on the health of the child. The saying has been preserved: “B1argo bezhan echu dugu, ber-koshchu dugu” - “the evil eye of an animal leads to a cauldron, and a child to a grave.” Very often the cause of a child’s death was considered to be the evil eye, especially blue eyes. Therefore, they tried not to take it out in public, not show it to strangers, etc.

If there was a suspicion that the child had been jinxed, “treatment” began immediately. Its methods and methods were different, like those of all the peoples of the Caucasus. First of all, they used fumigation-| vanie - (“k1ur tukha”), for which the mother-in-law or another woman. 1 cut off small pieces from the clothes of all the household, and even the neighbors | shreds or threads, took a blue rag, made nine holes in it, added a little oil, salt, scales; onion or garlic, herb-seasoning, and then setting it all on fire-| elk, and the child was completely fumigated with this acrid smoke.

Another way of so called treatment was that; The mullah wrote down some sayings from the Koran on a piece of paper, after which this paper was thrown into the water with which the child was given water and bathed. There was also a custom when, after established ritual actions, salt and flour were thrown into a burning fire. It was believed that when the salt bursts in the fire, the disease leaves the child. A variant of this “treatment” is described by ethnographers: “Healers of the Chechens and Ingush, when treating against the “evil eye,” circled a pinch of salt around the patient’s head three times and, whispering spells on it, threw it into the fire.”40 However, our field materials say that this could do and did anyone elderly woman in the house.

This method of “treatment” and recognition of the “evil eye” was also recorded in the information we received (among a number of others). They took a bowl of water and threw charcoal into it (with the names of those suspected of the “evil eye” listed). Then | They smeared the palms of the hands, feet, and head of the child with this water, and gave him this water to drink.

It is known that one of the manifestations of the cult of the dead among the peoples of the world was a combination of fear of the dead with concern for him. The Chechens and Ingush have a very interesting ritual. When the funeral procession passed along the street, the sleeping | It was considered necessary to quickly wake up sleeping children (and even adults) and get them to their feet before the procession passed by the house. It was believed that in this way it was possible to protect the child from weakness, lack of vitality, and from the possibility that the spirit of the dead would allegedly enter the body of the sleeping person.

In the pre-revolutionary past, when there was no medical care in Chechen and Ingush villages, children | often died in early age, which, in particular, is confirmed by data from excavations of medieval crypt burial grounds 41. According to popular views, there were certain objects that were used to determine how long a child would live. For example, if a child has long ears, it was believed that he would live a long time. A. If the child was smart beyond his years, they were worried that he would not live long. With the help of various amulets they tried to prolong and save the lives of children.

According to custom, they usually started cutting a child’s hair very early, because it was believed that the child was not growing well and would not gain weight without it. The first haircut or shaving of the hair on the head had to be carried out by a healthy, strong and tall young man, with beautiful hair(usually it was a relative, neighbor or guest). The shaved hair was not thrown away, but was weighed and, according to the weight, the “hairdresser” was rewarded with money. In addition, they had to prepare any dish he ordered. The mother kept the child's first hair until he began to speak, and asked him: whose hair is this in her hands? Usually the kid named the animals - a ram, a cow, etc., and this meant, according to popular opinion, that he was destined to keep on the farm exactly the cattle that he named.

There was also a ritual of cutting the first nails, which were given to the first-born. The nails were usually placed in the Koran or in a book between the pages (from this, according to traditional opinion, children were supposed to become smart); they threw into accordions so that the child would learn to play in the future, they threw into the circle of dancers at a wedding so that he could dance well, into a sewing machine, with the desire for the daughter to learn needlework, etc.

As one of the rites, one can characterize the rite of circumcision - “sunt var”, which was supposed to be performed (according to an option) usually at the age of four to five years and always upon reaching eight to nine years. Circumcision was carried out by “specialists” - “sunt vesh volchu staga” (the person who performs the circumcision). The performance of this procedure was sanctified by religion as a forced necessity, like all other peoples who professed Islam, since a man on whom this ritual was not performed did not have the right to slaughter cattle and was generally not considered full-fledged. Since the operation itself took place in unsanitary conditions, hygiene rules were violated, blood poisoning and tragic outcomes occurred very often.

If a child did not speak for a long time, he was placed between two horses and forced to say “whoa,” and was also fed with the tips of the animals’ tongues.

Various rituals existed among the Chechens and Ingush for the period when the child began to walk. So, for example, when a child was just getting to his feet on his own, bagels were rolled between them - (“chGyurgash karchadura”), which were then distributed to the children. They could also roll coins (which wealthy families did), and they were also given to the children. Informant from the village. Makazhoy reported that when the child began to walk, they baked “khingalsh” flat cakes the size of the child’s hand to the elbow, and treated them to neighbors and relatives. Informants from the Ingush village also reported the same thing (distribution of flatbreads with cheese - “chepilgash”). Dzheirakh and other villages. Other peoples of the Caucasus were also familiar with similar rituals 42.

According to custom, the child’s parents were not supposed to monitor the appearance of the first erupted tooth. As a rule, this fact was recorded by other relatives, and the event was celebrated with a reward (usually a cut on the dress - “kon”) to the one who showed due attention and observation.

Thus, to summarize what has been said, we note that the existence of many rituals and customs, as well as magical techniques that were associated with the birth, treatment and upbringing of children, was a direct consequence of the past, the lack of scientific, not to mention qualified, medical care in the Chechen and Ingush villages.

The Great October Socialist Revolution introduced significant changes to the rituals being studied, which began to transform very quickly under the influence of the enormous social and cultural transformations that took place in the region, as well as throughout the country.

Medical care has improved dramatically. New hospitals, sanitary and preventive institutions, clinics in Checheno-Ingushetia began to be built everywhere, and their numbers are growing, as is the quality of the medical staff, who carry out a large and varied work with pregnant women and mothers, and newborns are under constant supervision from the first days patronage nurses. All this serves to eliminate many rituals associated with childbirth. Due to the fact that not sorcerers and “healers” began to treat children, but qualified medical workers, child mortality decreased sharply. But it should be noted that some of the described rituals and customs are preserved to this day, sometimes in a transformed form.

Maternity rituals are connected with the intimate side of family life, and to a significant extent with religious ideas, which change more slowly than socio-economic relations in the Chechen-Ingush village. Evidence of enormous cultural shifts in the Vainakh family is the ongoing shift away from many birth rituals, including those associated with magical and religious beliefs, before our eyes.

Like other peoples, the Chechens and Ingush practiced two types of education - family and public. The most important importance was attached to family education, where two age limits were distinguished, corresponding to approximately six to eight and ten to twelve years (they noticeably revealed the traditional difference in the position of boys and girls).

Indeed, depending on the nature of a particular family group at these ages, the child’s personality was formed, the foundations of his future family and social worldview were laid, and the influence of the family in this case was very versatile. However, family education, as a rule, was supplemented by public education. Society influenced children through various channels - through relatives and guests, at weddings - "lovzar", at village gatherings - "phyog1a", during certain types of mutual assistance - "'belkhi", which were organized during the construction of a house, harvesting , washing wool, etc.

Let us note that in the era of feudalism, folk pedagogy, which developed empirically in the peasant environment, solved very specific problems corresponding to the level of social development, while the life relations of the peasants were very poor and limited. F. Engels wrote that for the peasants the family was “the most important, decisive social relationship...” 43 In the peasant environment of the Chechens and Ingush, as well as other peoples, the process of education was not distinguished from the real life of the family and community. It was the labor activity of the Vainakh family (together with the established systems of relations within it) that from time immemorial was an arsenal of educational means.

The educational “rhythm of childhood” looked like this. All children (both boys and girls) were together until they were six or seven years old. After reaching this age, girls gradually began to be separated from boys and certain restrictions were imposed on their behavior.

As a rule, girls began to be involved in work activities earlier than boys: the daughter from an early age became an active assistant to her mother, looked after younger children, and served older ones. She looked closely at various women's activities, learned to clean the house and cook. From the age of six or seven she took care of the younger children, from the age of ten she fetched water, carried out various errands, and a number of small household chores.

Then the girls began to be taught the etiquette that they had to observe in the family and when visiting (in wealthy families, daughters were even given some education). At the same time, the girl was pointed out at a very early age about her subordinate position, her dependence on her brother and other men in the family.

In general, the upbringing of girls was entirely the concern of the women at home (usually the mother). Girls were especially diligently forced to clean jugs (“k!u-dal”, “g1umag1”) and basins (“tas”), since their appearance testified to neatness and hard work. As the girls grew, they mastered various feminine skills: they learned to process wool, weave cloth, make felts, burkas, make hats, and sew (the latter was considered one of the important virtues of a housewife).

By the age of 12-13, the girl, on a par with adult women, was taking active participation in the working life of the family, and by the age of 15-16 she should have been able to independently manage the household.

Other peoples of the Caucasus had the same system of raising a girl 44.

On the contrary, from early childhood it was instilled in the boy that he was called upon to play the main role in the family in the future, that he was the support of the home. At the age of seven or eight, the upbringing of boys usually passed into the hands of men, who introduced them to purely male professions. In a peasant family, a boy at this age tended lambs, drove cattle to pasture, and from the age of 12-14 he helped his father in field work, looked after livestock, mowed and transported hay, stored fuel for the winter, and performed other work. Boys usually moved in a circle of adults and could be present when men talked (although they did not have the right to interfere in their affairs or conversations, but had to stand aside and respectfully listen to adults).

His (the boy’s) worldview and moral traits, as the future head of the family and member of society, were formed in the circle of elders. His older brother, uncle, and father taught him purely “male” occupations (put him on a cart and as a driver, assigned him to do simple work, taught him to be independent, etc.).

When a boy turned 15-16 years old, he went with a gift to his maternal uncle, and he, in turn, had to give him a horse or other gifts. This ancient custom(“barch”), apparently with its roots in the era of matriarchy, was considered a kind of “recognition” of coming of age young man 45.

In those families where the father’s parents or his older relatives lived together, they played an important role in the will of the boys, teaching them to work, introducing them to the traditions and history of the people through fairy tales, traditions and legends. Usually the same old men looked after the boys and raised them in the spirit of folk traditions.

The Vainakhs attached great importance to the labor education of children, rightly believing that it was through it that the necessary moral qualities future member of society. The fact that the Chechens and Ingush attached great importance to preparing children for working life is evidenced by the content of oral folk art, as well as the practice of family education. The work of boys in childhood was sometimes given an exciting playful character, which made it easier to carry out all kinds of instructions from adults.

Getting involved in work, the boys performed various duties assigned to them by the work schedule. Constant participation in work instilled in them diligence, the habit of work, helped them master and consolidate their skills in long time acquired skills. The example of parents and, in general, the example of elders played a large role in teaching children to work. Children and teenagers were explained how and with the help of what tools certain work operations were performed. For example, in the labor song “Chekmen” the process of making a new holiday chekmen is reflected in many ways. Such songs were a means of strengthening children’s ideas about interconnected actions that constituted a completely completed labor operation, and helped children answer questions of this nature 46.

Labor education also included explaining to children the importance of work in human life, which is confirmed by all genres of oral folk art of the Vaiyakhs, in particular proverbs and sayings. Proverbs and sayings have been and continue to be one of the important and effective means, contributing to the formation of a worker’s worldview in children. (“You won’t be lost with a craft,” “There is nothing in the world that can be obtained without labor,” etc.) 47. Preparing their children for a working life, parents explained to them that “it is better to do at least something than nothing.” do”, that “whoever does not learn to work in childhood will suffer all his life”, that “only work brings happiness in life”, etc. The younger generation entering an independent life was given advice and instructions reminding them of the need to live with your labor.

In the folklore of the Chechens and Ingush, the idea was deeply generalized that only in work does a person find happiness, that the one who works is useful to society, that work is the most important means of developing the best moral qualities in a person (“A person becomes prettier only in work”, “A person is revered based on the results of the work of his hands”, “The price of a person is his work”, etc.)

It should be noted that children in peasant families among the Vaiyakhs were involved in work very early, and this is no exception, since “the working people of all Soviet nationalities and nations in the past had an amazing unity of not only educational goals, but also educational means” 48 .

In a working family, such high moral qualities as honesty and truthfulness, modesty and politeness, hospitality, etc. were brought up. The concept of honesty and truthfulness among the Chechens and Ingush was also associated with the idea of the social strength of a person (“If you are honest, you are strong”). Uncompromisingness and constant preference for these positions were cultivated (“Even if it’s bitter, tell the truth”, “You may sit crookedly, but speak straight”, “Be able to keep your word”, etc.). The children developed restraint (“the best thing in character is restraint”), self-control, and reasonable patience (“a wise man has patience”). They were taught to be modest (“don’t praise yourself, if you’re good, you’ll be noticed anyway”).

The folk pedagogy of the Waiyakhs sharply condemned selfishness, self-praise, arrogance, boasting, envy, lies and other vices. Much attention was given to education by de-| of such moral categories as discipline, a sense of collectivism, obedience, respect for parents and elders up to unquestioning obedience, loyalty to | friendship, love of country. Boys were brought up with courage, perseverance, selflessness, girls - patience, loyalty, resignation and obedience to elders, and in boo-i shower- to my husband.

All this corresponded to the ideal of moral perfection of that era, since the criteria for educating the younger generation among the Waiyakhs were closely related to the historical conditions of their life.

The struggle against foreign enslavers and the specifics of the internal early class structure required physically strong people. That is why, along with labor and ob-; social and moral education, Chechens and Ingush paid a lot of attention to physical and military education. F. I. Leontovich in his manuscript “Life and Education of the Highlanders,” describing the Adyghe tribe, provided interesting information about the state physical education children of Chechens from ancient times until the end of the 19th century, and pointed out, in particular, that in the early period the Chechens found elements similar to the ancient Greeks physical exercise and competitions 49.

Boys acquired similar qualities in mass games and competitions. Let us note that in adolescence and adolescence, games and holidays had great educational significance. For example, a game of “war”. It was carried out like this: “In winter, after harvesting bread and hay, the inhabitants of the aul were divided into two parties, attack each other... followed by a treat,” noted the pre-revolutionary author 50.

“Cliff racing” was popular, which developed determination, courage and the ability to perfectly control one’s horse, as well as competitive games that required dexterity, flexibility and resourcefulness. Some of the latter are described in the literature 5|.

The game “Harvest” or “Abundant” was also very popular. Teenage boys were taught to participate in the “plowman” game, which was of great interest and was played during the spring plowing of the land for crops.

Equestrian competitions were of a general nature. Riders were especially carefully prepared for them, starting from the age of two or three. Teenage boys were entrusted with horse training, which included small rides, half-day and day trips, and caring for the horse. For example, there was even a whole “science” developed over many centuries of the history of the use of horses by the Vainakhs.

Caring for a horse required a lot of work and patience. While caring for the horse, the boy had to strictly follow certain rules - be able to wipe the fur of the horse, bathe it, train it, etc. By training the horse for endurance and strength, the mountaineers taught it to overcome various ‘Obstacles. Semyon Bropevsky, who observed the preparation of horses, wrote that “brave riders teach their horses to throw themselves from cliffs and steep river banks, without considering the heights thereof. Such a desperate skill, which every time exposed the life of the horse rider and his horse to visible danger, often saves him from the danger of falling into the hands of the enemy in the event of a close pursuit” 52.

In the past, the physical education of girls differed little from that of men in some ways. According to traditions and legends, women could shoot from bows at full gallop, accurately hitting the target, went hunting, performed almost heavy work on the farm, replaced men who went on a hike, etc.

Folk pedagogy paid attention to the conditions and means of education. It was considered generally accepted that instilling in children the necessary qualities had to begin as early as possible (“serakh tsa bina h1oz, hyokkhah a tsa hilla” - “rot the stake until the twig grows, you won’t be able to bend it” - in the sense of “you need to educate from a young age”).

Parents and adults had to play the role of constant example for children (“What adults say is told to children,” “What an eaglet sees in its nest, it does (when it flies out,” etc.). However, even higher in the estimation of man' was famous public opinion: “Don’t take the one whom your mother praises, it’s better to take the one whom people praise,” people said and still say.

Parents were required to take into account the influence of those around their children, know with whom their children communicate outside the home, and protect their children from bad acquaintances and influences. This is confirmed by the following statements of the people: “When you enter a thorny bush, the thorn sticks,” “You become the same as the environment you live in,” etc. The presence in the family of agreement between parents and all family members was considered one of important conditions proper upbringing. “Without consent in the family there is misfortune.” Customs forbade the father (husband) to scold the mother (wife) in front of the children. “Don’t disgrace the wife you are planning to live with,” etc. Vainakh society condemned parents if their children grew up disobedient, condemned them for not being able to give them the required upbringing. This, in particular, is evidenced by the Chechen proverb: “Von dozal hulchul, tsa hilar tolla” - (“Rather than have bad offspring, it is better not to have them”), etc.53

One of the methods of raising children in the family was instruction. The instructions concerned different aspects of life, when it was explained what and how to do, how to behave in the presence of elders in the family, on the street and in society. The bad actions of children were condemned not only by their parents, but by the entire society. The offending child was usually told: “You humiliated me,” “You disgraced my honor,” etc.

In the family and public education of children, folk singers played a large role, who knew well the history of their people, their oral traditions, songs, proverbs and sayings. The ideal of justice was associated with the title of folk singer. Only an honest person could be a folk singer. The songs glorified the courage, heroism and intelligence of man, and also contained caustic words addressed to the lazy, dishonest and

panties. They had a great influence on the Chechens and Ingush. A characteristic feature of the family and everyday relations of Chechens and Ingush since ancient times has been the custom of deep reverence for parents and respect for old age. Usually, in all cases, the older man spoke first, the young man gave up his place to him, listened to advice, did not sit with the elders, etc. This position is repeatedly confirmed by many pre-revolutionary authors54. It was considered extremely indecent to interfere in the conversation of elders, to laugh loudly in their presence, to say something that is indecent to gender and age, to commit any impolite act in the presence of parents (especially old people), to smoke, to make a slip of the tongue, etc.

It should also be said about instilling in the younger generation respect for mother and woman. If, for example, teenager I saw that a woman was chopping wood and carrying a heavy load, he should have helped her. Relations between family members of Chechens and Ingush were based on respect for each other (including brothers and sisters); the authority of mother and grandmother was highly valued.

The children were instilled with the idea that they were always, as it were, in an unpaid debt to their parents. (“There is no higher duty than ] debt to your mother,” “Even if you crossed the threshold, since ] your mother called, come back!”).

Thus, over the course of many centuries, folk etiquette was supported by a number of certain moral norms, institutions and customs, which were dictated by those conditions in which society as a whole could not materially ensure a peaceful old age, and therefore parents could entirely rely only on their children and They saw in them the only support and protection in old age.

This is where such upbringing of children came from, from infancy to full maturity, moreover, it was aimed at achieving desired results did not exclude violence against the will and consciousness of the younger generation.

I.V. Sukhanov writes about this: “Small peasant farming gave rise to the personal interest of parents in raising children in the spirit of simple moral norms. The working and life conditions of the peasantry necessarily led to the conclusion that noble moral qualities<- это не только важнейшая предпосылка будущей честной жизни детей, но и верный залог обеспеченной старости самих родителей»54.

Disrespect for parents and elders was considered among the Chechens and Ingush as the strongest vice. A real Chechen or Ingush was recognized only as a person who combined the necessary moral qualities - hospitality, politeness, respect for parents and elders, etc. When they said about someone that he had courage, they said: “Vuizzin stag vu iza ” (“he is a real, or complete, man”). “A horseman for a Chechen is the alpha and omega of his life, the goal to which he strives” 55.

As an educational tool, various incentives and various types of reward and punishment were used, with preference given to moral incentives. The child was publicly praised for his good behavior and work. An uncle or other close relative could, for example, give the boy a foal, a horse, a dagger, a belt, etc.

Punishing a child was almost always limited to reprimand. Among the Vainakhs, public condemnation was a very severe measure of influence, which had a great influence not only on children, but also on adults. Usually, when punishing a child, they were deprived of any pleasure or entertainment - to ride a horse, play with friends, etc. By punishing, they could force him to do some unpleasant or difficult work out of turn. In general, the Vainakhs very rarely resorted to physical punishment in the past and considered persuasion the main means of education.

Thus, from a brief (and, of course, not entirely complete) description of the methods and system of education among the Chechens and Ingush, it is clear that in the past they attached great importance to this. The upbringing of the younger generation was one of the pressing problems in the practical program and moral and ethical basis of life for the Vainakh people, like any other people.

Not a single generation of people can solve the problem of educating the younger generation without taking into account and using everything positive and valuable that has been accumulated by previous generations. National traditions reflect the historical, constructive and creative experience of the masses, the peculiarities of their material and spiritual life, more or less stable norms and principles of social behavior of people.

At the same time, while fully assessing the positive aspects of the family and social education of children among the Chechens and Ingush, one should also point out its negative aspects, due to the patriarchal-feudal life of the family and the influence of religion, including Islam. Huge harm was caused to the upbringing of children by Islam, which sought to take advantage of the positive requirements of folk pedagogy. Thus, the servants of Islam sought to use the wonderful feeling of respect for elders to raise children in the spirit of humility and obedience to Allah, Mohammed, in the spirit of respect for religious figures - mullahs, exploiting princes whose interests were protected by the Muslim religion.

The mullahs sought to use the sacred feeling of patriotism and readiness to defend their native land to fight against infidels. At the same time, everything that went against the dogmas of Islam was suppressed: feelings of friendship and brotherhood between peoples, mutual support and revenue in the fight against common enemies.

Feelings of respect for parents were used by the mullahs in order to instill in them blind obedience to their father. The relationship of restraint between parents and children also had a negative effect on the upbringing of children.

And yet, the empirically accumulated experience of folk pedagogy among the Chechens and Ingush can, to a certain extent, serve the noble goals of moral and physical education of the modern younger generation of our country.

1 Shegren A. Sh. Religious rituals of Ossetians, Ingush and their fellow tribesmen on different occasions. Newspaper "Caucasus", 1846, No. 28.

2 D u b r o v i i N. F. History of war and Russian rule in the Caucasus, vol. 1, OPb., 18771; Leoitovich N. F. Adats of the Caucasian highlanders. Materials on customary law of the North-Eastern Caucasus, vol. 2, Odessa, 1883; Semenov N. Natives of the North-Eastern Caucasus, St. Petersburg, G895; Sokolsky V.V. Archaic forms of family organization among the Caucasian highlanders. Journal of the Ministry of Public Education, St. Petersburg, 1882.

3 Chursin G.F. Program for collecting ethnographic information. Baku, 1929.

4 See for example: William A.K. Geographical sketch of Ingushetia. Vladikavkaz, 1929; Kosven!M. Patriarchy. History of the problem. M.-L., 1-948; his: History and ethnography of the Caucasus, M., 1001; Smirnova V.S. Family and family life. In the book: “Culture and life of the peoples of the North Caucasus”, M., 1,968, etc.

5 Mats and ev A. Proverbs of the Chechen people. - “News of the Chechen-Ingush Research Institute”, vol. 2, no. 3, Grozny, 1959, p. 68.

6 Berger A. ‘Chechen. Ш, 1928.^ Ivanenkov N. S. Mountain Chechens. - Tersky collection, 6, Vladikavkaz, I9T0, p. 129; Semenov I. Decree. cit., etc.

8 See for example: Zasedateleva L.B. Terek Cossacks (mid-16th - early 20th centuries). Historical and ethnographic essays. M., 1974, p. 332.33:9, etc.

9 Dalgat B. Primitive religion of the Chechens. - Tersky ‘collection. Vol. 3, apt. 2. Vladikavkaz, 1898, p. 87.

10 Field materials EEISF, 1979.

11 Dalgat B. Decree. cit., p. YuO-101.

12 Notes about Chechnya and Chechens. - Collection of information from the Terek region. Vladikavkaz, Sh78, p. 252.

13 Semenov L.P. Archaeological and ethnographic research in Ingushetia in 1925-4932. Grozny, 1963; from 40-167.

14 Besaeva T. 3. Ossetian rituals and customs associated with the birth and upbringing of a child. - Abstract, M., 1976, p. 9.

15 Semenov N. Decree. cit., p. 382.

16 Redko A. Evil spirits in the destinies of women’s mothers. Ethnographic review. M., 1890, vol. 1-2, p. 147.

17 K u n i a A. Family customs and rituals among the Shapsugs. - In the book: Religious survivals among the Shapsug Circassians, M., 1940, p. 2!3; Gadzhie-va S. G. Kumyki, M., 1’961, p. 280; Smirnova N. S. Raising a child in the Adyghe village in the past and present. - Teach scientific notes, research. Institute, M'aykop, 1968, p. 112; Kereytov R. X. Maternity observances

dy and raising children among the Kuban Nogais in the past. In the book: Archeology and ethnography of Karachay-Cherkessia. Cherkessk, 1979, p. 1112.

18 Field materials EEISF, 1979 yes20 21 22 23 births.

19 Kanova M.V. Folk obstetrics in the Caucasus. V scientific conversation

doctors of the Transcaucasian Midwifery Institute, 5, Tiflis, 1890, p. 175. Field materials EEISF, 1979. P. 341.p. 341-342. raising children

20 Zasedateleva L.B. Decree. op.,

21 Zasedateleva L.B. Decree. cit., Pokrovsky E. A. Physical education of children in different Ia-M„ 1-884, pp. 91-92. essays, customs). St. Petersburg, 1<881, 9, Владнкав-

24 Field materials EEISF, 1979

25 Pokrov k i y E. A. Decree. cit., p. 123.

26 Field materials, EEISF, 1979.

27 Pokrovsky E. A. Decree. cit., p. 123-124.

28 Semenov I. Chechens. Ethnographic p. 38:2-383.

29 Grabovsky N.F. Ingushi (their life and Kaz, 1876, p. 63 - SSKG.

30 G r a b o v s k i y N. F. Decree. cit., p. 63.

31 Zhirmunsky V. M.” Oghuz heroic epic and “The Book of Korku-ta”. - Turkic heroic epic. L., 1974, p. 537.

32 G r a b o v s k i y N. F. Decree. cit., p. 64.

33 X Aruzin N.N. Notes on the legal life of Chechens and Ingush. “Bulletin of Europe”, book. K), s. 5, St. Petersburg, 1888, p. 71.

34 G r a b o v s k i y N. F. Decree. cit., p. 20.

35 Ch u r s i n G. F. Essays on the ethnology of the Caucasus, Tiflis, 101-3, p. 96.

36 Leoitovich F.I. Decree. cit., p. 104.

37 Pokrovsky E. A. Decree. cit., p. 281.peoples. Makhach-

38 Chursin G.F. Amulets and talismans of Caucasian feces, 1.929, p. 23.

39 Islamov A. A. On the issue of medieval burial structures in the upper reaches of the river. Chanty-Argui. - News CHINIIIYAL. Articles and materials on the history of the peoples of Checheno-Ingushetia, vol. 3, no. 1, Grozny, 1963, p. MO.

40 Islamov A. A. Decree. cit., p. 140.

41 See for example: Vinogradov V.B. Time, mountains, people. Grozny, 1980, p. 148.

42 Smirnova Y. S. Family and family life, p. 195.

43 Marx K. and Engels F. Soch., vol. 5, p. 508.

44 Smirnova Ya-S. Family and family life..., p. 197; Kereytov R. X. Maternity rituals and raising children... p. 14 8; Meretukov M.A. Raising children in the family and in society among the Circassians, in the book. Social relations among the peoples of the North Caucasus, Ordzhonikidze, 1978, p. 87; Misikov M.A. Materials for the anthropology of Ossetians. Odessa, 1916, p. 69.

45. Krupnoy E.I. On the history of Ingushia. - “Bulletin of Ancient History.” M, 1939, p. 87; Sokolsky V. Archaic forms of family organization among the Caucasian highlanders. - J. Ministry of Public Education. SPb., 1381, p. 42-436; Grabovsky P. F. Ingushi, p. 102.

One parable is very popular in Chechnya: a young mother went to an old man to ask him at what time she should start raising a child. The elder asked how old the baby was. She answered: one month. The elder, without thinking, said that she was exactly a month late in raising her. The most important thing that children are taught according to Chechen traditions is respect for elders. The father's name is an indisputable authority that has a magical effect on the child.

Each of the children is a project, the implementation of which completely depends on the organizers - father and mother. In the end, a person, raising and spending money on the education of children, invests both strength and finances in them in order to ensure his old age, remaining respected in society both during life and after death. Elderly people often say that there is nothing more pleasant in old age than hearing from strangers about the merits of their children and how respected they have become.

Despite the fact that the modern world leaves its mark on traditions, on family life, on raising children, in Chechnya they have managed to preserve one of the most important traditions - large families. If you ask a 30-year-old Chechen, who does not have a permanent job and a stable income, why he has so many children, it is the same as doubting whether he needs his brothers and sisters. Until now, when a child is born, in the first congratulations to the parents, everyone wishes that the newborn would have seven brothers. And it doesn’t matter whether it’s the third child or the fifth. A family with seven brothers is a very serious argument worthy of respect in Chechen society.

EXPERT OPINION

historian, teacher at ChSU, SmartNews

The main teacher of children in a Chechen family is the mother. If in an ideal Chechen family a boy learns from his father’s example, carried away by his authority, then his mother is practically the first teacher. A woman can turn to her husband for help only in extreme cases, when the child gets out of his hands. “I’ll tell my father everything when he returns” - such statements act on children like shock therapy. Even if the father never raised his hand to his children.

I never sat down in front of my father, I never talked. When asked, I answered. I tried not to go into the room where my parents were together. Until recent years, my father and I never communicated in the presence of my grandfather. I don't remember my father praising me. It’s exactly the same in our family. I never spoke to my wife or children in my father's presence. We were raised that way. And we will continue these traditions.

In fact, according to traditional adats, Chechens will never praise their children in public. Almost any Chechen father will remain silent if his son tells him about successes. Father and son communicated through mother, keeping a distance. But the core of the son’s upbringing was the father, whom he must imitate and strive for his ideal.

My father has always been the most important thing for me after the Almighty. I did everything to please my father, so that he would say Ramzan is a good boy. He taught me to do good, to study, to always work for the good of the people. This is what I did. We had a special relationship. He forgave me a lot of things. But I, for example, never showed him that I was more than he was sleeping. I always got up earlier and went to bed later so that he wouldn’t see that I was sleeping. We also have this rule - don’t show your face to your father for a month until he sees you by chance.
My mother and I had a separate relationship. Everything I wanted to tell my father, I conveyed through my mother. She's like a translator.

Punishment of the mother was considered not so shameful, especially since it was usually carried out only during the first years of life. At the same time, the grandmother’s word has always had great authority for a boy, especially a teenager.

Grandmothers play a colossal role in raising children in Chechnya. It was my grandmother who raised me and is raising my children, because she knows much more than anyone else. Our grandmothers and grandfathers are the wisest. And my grandfather is a very respected person. I am very happy that my grandparents are raising my children.

EXPERT OPINION

child psychologist, SmartNews

Grandfathers and grandmothers play a special role in raising Chechen children. The writer Musa Beksultanov has a story where an old man takes his grandson with him on a hunt. This was a long-awaited trip for the boy. His grandfather allowed him to take the rifle and shoot the animal. At the last moment, when the game was at gunpoint, the boy did not shoot, and the frightened roe deer ran away. The boy felt ashamed of his weakness and began to cry. His grandfather, on the contrary, praised him for his humanity. “Well done, you will grow into a good person!” - said the old man.

For all their brutality, Chechens have always valued humanity and mercy, and taught their children to it. For the boy in the story, such a reaction from his grandfather to the seemingly weakness that he showed would actually have a very strong effect in the future. He will understand that a strong person will not offend a weak one. For children at that age, this is a big change.

Even pre-revolutionary historians showed interest in the Chechen traditions of raising boys. When asked why parents don’t beat their children, fathers and mothers answered: “We want them to grow up to be human.” And the famous Russian Caucasus expert Adolphe Berger argued that Chechens never beat their sons because they are afraid that they will grow up to be cowards. The son is not beaten or scolded so that he does not know the feeling of fear.

Chechen historians refer to psychologists who claim that a person who has gone through fear can become a great oppressor. In the worst case, the Chechens believed, such a person could have his soul taken away. They say that if a Chechen is afraid of something, then he should only be afraid of shame or losing face. As the Vainakh proverb says, a horse that has been beaten with a whip will not become a real horse.

Raising children began at a fairly early age. This does not mean that they were forced to do some labor-intensive work. On the contrary, until a certain age, children were prohibited from lifting weights. Chechens never beat their sons. These days this principle is not particularly respected. Sometimes parents are forced to flog their careless offspring with a belt, as if eliminating their own shortcomings made in the process of upbringing. Sometimes such spanking is beneficial. The carrot and stick policy as a contrasting approach also justifies itself - depending on the degree of understanding of the teenager. In general, education implies primarily edification and reprimand rather than corporal punishment.

The Chechens and Ingush never abandoned children. Complete strangers could take a lost child under their care. Proof of this is an incident that occurred several years ago in Ingushetia. In the village of Achaluki, relatives found a Chechen boy who disappeared 16 years ago. Somehow, from the Chechen city of Argun, he ended up on the border with Ingushetia. Having discovered the child, a local resident, who was working in the Ingush police at that time, took him to his place. Since that time, Murad Soltanmuradov has lived with two families.

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In Chechnya, there has long been a tradition when a brother can give his child to his brother and daughter-in-law who do not have children. Usually children learn the truth only when they become teenagers, and until then they consider their adoptive parents to be their father and mother. Such children will never be deprived of the attention of both adoptive and true parents. Islam, which the Chechens now profess, as well as the traditional law of the Chechens - adat, strictly regulates the rules for the adoption of children. At the same time, according to representatives of the clergy, according to the canons of Islam, adoption is of two types: permitted and prohibited. The permitted type of adoption is when a child is taken into a family with the goal of giving him the right upbringing, showing him kindness and sensitivity, and completely replacing his parents.

What is prohibited is when a child is adopted so that he is considered a child of adoptive parents and the same standards are applied to him as to other children in the new family. An adopted child cannot be given a new surname, and he is not obliged to consider strangers as his parents. If the true parents of the adopted child are alive, then he should know about them.

“Each of the children is a project, the implementation of which completely depends on the organizers - father and mother” - I agree with this statement. After all, the future of his child depends on the parents. And here a lot of effort must be made so that the child can find himself, his calling, upbringing, education - all this plays a big role.

Chechens raise their children the same way as their ancestors did 100–200 years ago, they believe in the republic. A childless family is compared here to a tree without branches and fruits. Therefore, the birth of a child, and especially a boy, imposes serious responsibility on parents, which is considered the main task of their whole life.

Each of the children is a project, the implementation of which completely depends on the organizers - father and mother. In the end, a person, raising and spending money on the education of children, invests both strength and finances in them in order to ensure his old age, remaining respected in society both during life and after death. Elderly people often say that there is nothing more pleasant in old age than hearing from strangers about the merits of their children and how respected they have become. Ruslan Musaev, 43 years old, father of seven children.

The main teacher of children in a Chechen family is the mother. If in an ideal Chechen family a boy learns from his father’s example, carried away by his authority, then his mother is practically the first teacher. A woman can turn to her husband for help only in extreme cases, when the child gets out of his hands. “I’ll tell my father everything when he returns,” such statements act like shock therapy on children. Even if the father never raised his hand to his children. .

The family of Ramzan Kadyrov is a good example; here in practice you can see all the features of the traditions of local education.

I never sat down in front of my father, I never talked. When asked, I answered. I tried not to go into the room where my parents were together. Until recent years, my father and I never communicated in the presence of my grandfather. I don't remember my father praising me. It’s exactly the same in our family. I never spoke to my wife or children in my father's presence. We were raised that way. And we will continue these traditions. .

My father has always been the most important thing for me after the Almighty. I did everything to please my father, so that he would say Ramzan is a good boy. He taught me to do good, to study, to always work for the good of the people. This is what I did. We had a special relationship. He forgave me a lot of things. But I, for example, never showed him that I was more than he was sleeping. I always got up earlier and went to bed later so that he wouldn’t see that I was sleeping. We also have this rule - don’t show your face to your father for a month until he sees you by chance. My mother and I had a separate relationship. Everything I wanted to tell my father, I conveyed through my mother. She's like a translator. Ramzan Kadyrov, head of the Chechen Republic.

Grandmothers play a colossal role in raising children in Chechnya. It was my grandmother who raised me and is raising my children, because she knows much more than anyone else. Our grandmothers and grandfathers are the wisest. And my grandfather is a very respected person. I am very happy that my grandparents are raising my children. Ramzan Kadyrov, head of the Chechen Republic.

Raising children began at a fairly early age. This does not mean that they were forced to do some labor-intensive work. On the contrary, until a certain age, children were prohibited from lifting weights. Chechens never beat their sons. These days this principle is not particularly respected. Sometimes parents are forced to flog their careless offspring with a belt, as if eliminating their own shortcomings made in the process of upbringing. Sometimes such spanking is beneficial. The carrot and stick policy as a contrasting approach also justifies itself - depending on the degree of understanding of the teenager. In general, education implies primarily edification and reprimand rather than corporal punishment. Suleiman Demalkhanov, historian, teacher at ChSU.

Reference

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Since ancient times, it has been the case among Chechens that grandfather spends a lot of time with his grandchildren.
Why grandpa?
Firstly, my grandfather is already old, so he sits at home.
The son is the breadwinner, so he is busy.
The son needs to feed both his parents and his children.
For Chechens, everything is distributed in the family.
Everyone in the family knows what to do.
The grandfather is the head of the family and the proper upbringing of his grandchildren is on his shoulders.
A grandfather must tell his grandchildren how he went on campaigns, fought, got married, and made friends with his comrades.
But every grandfather must explain to children that there are rules that a Chechen should not violate.
This means doing ablution every day and doing namaz.
This is the most important thing.
Why do ablutions take place?
This is in order to be absolutely pure if you suddenly get to the Creator!
Is it possible for man to appear dirty before God?
Further, the Chechen grandfather teaches his grandchildren that there is nothing in the world that cannot be given up, except three things: Air, Water, Bread (food).
From childhood, Chechens are taught to give up everything else when necessary!
When necessary, you give up everything except Air, Water and a piece of Bread!
This is taught so that there are no temptations.
Then they teach their grandchildren that when hormones begin to play in youth and he is susceptible to passions, he should restrain himself from lust.
Further, from childhood they are taught to be collected, this is “Sobar” in Chechen.
Sobar, this is when a Chechen must be absolutely sober and wise!
Don't take a single hasty step!
Be able to think first, and not act rashly!
This is Sobar!
That is, never make hasty decisions.
Stalin, good or bad, did and acted in the Chechen way!
That's why he won the Great Patriotic War!
Any Chechen is taught to live without quarrels.
Therefore, any Chechen, finding himself in a new environment, knows how to give up everything at the right time, be collected and restrained and not paw at women, so as not to offend her feelings and the feelings of her relatives.
When Pushkin A.S. went on his trip to Erzurum, he asked the legendary Chechen Taimi Beybulat to go with him.
On the way, Pushkin asks Taimi Beibulat questions about how he manages to be absolutely brave?
Taimi Beybulat replies that he, Taimi, is absolutely not brave.
He, Taimi, says to Pushkin: “No, no, I’m not brave, I’m always afraid...”.
Pushkin tells him that he, Taimi, is famous throughout the Caucasus for his exploits and courage, and that he asks for clarity!
Taimi explains to Pushkin that when he comes to visit any house, he, Taimi, is afraid to look at a woman so as not to offend the owner - “No, no, I’m always afraid of offending someone.”
This is true Chechen upbringing and nobility.
One day Taimi was visiting a Circassian prince while passing through.
Any Chechen from any prince of the Caucasus was met and treated as equals.
And any tsarist general accepted the Chechen as an equal.
The prince had heard a lot about the courage of Taimi Beybulat and, treating him to tender lamb, asked how to defend himself and with what if he were suddenly attacked.
Taimi Beybulat says that in such cases, the weapon is whatever comes to hand.
Now a small retreat, the Chechens guard the guest from crossing the threshold of his house until he leaves.
Nothing should happen to the Chechen guest!
He must leave as he came!
Full safety guarantee.
Therefore, a Chechen visiting feels calm, no matter where he is.
The duty of hospitality is paramount.
The Circassian prince also knew this.
And when the Chechen Taimi Beybulat, before going to bed, went out into the courtyard for ablution with a jug of water, the Circassian prince, tormented by curiosity, released a lion from the cage.
The lion naturally attacks Taimi Beybulat, who is confident in his safety and therefore left the weapon in the kunatskaya (guest room).
Taimi Beybulat looked around and not noticing anything suitable for defense, grabbed the jug and went on the attack, forcing the lion to back away.
Only when the prince realized that Taimi did not even think of being scared and retreating, he released the servants, who dragged the supposedly broken lion into the cage and then spent the whole evening telling Taimi that he really understood that everything that comes to hand is a weapon.
This went down in history.
Chechens are really afraid of offending a woman.
It is very important for Chechens to teach children to see and hear clearly!
Always be collected, ready for anything, and behave respectfully towards everyone.
Sometimes, such behavior is perceived as weakness and cowardice among other peoples.
I'll tell you an anecdote: somewhere in Europe, a Chechen got married.
There is Lovzar and a mountain feast.
Lezginka, dancing, Chechen flag.
A foreigner at a wedding asks a Chechen, what kind of animal is this on the flag?
A Chechen says it’s a Wolf!
Why is he sitting? - says the foreigner.
The Chechen says that if this wolf gets up, everyone will run away.
So that no one runs away, but have fun, the wolf on the coat of arms is Sitting!
So it is here.
Chechen modesty can sometimes be mistaken for weakness.
But only until the Chechen is approached or insulted.
Here a Chechen, even if he is alone, surprises the audience!
Let the wolf sit!
Chechens are taught to think about the consequences.
To eliminate bad consequences, a Chechen must learn to make the right decisions.
A Chechen will never eat alone unless someone else is eating!
Before drinking the water, he will hand it to the person nearby.
And everyone, absolutely all Chechens, always correct mistakes.